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dopted, however, does not
preclude later protest if that regulation subsequently becomes confiscatory
in its operation. 55
‘‘Liberty’’.—As will be discussed in detail below, the ‘‘liberty’’
guaranteed by the due process clause has been variously defined by
the Court. In the early years, it meant almost exclusively ‘‘liberty
of contract,’’ but with the demise of liberty of contract came a general
broadening of ‘‘liberty’’ to include personal, political and social
rights and privileges. 56 Nonetheless, the Court is generally chary
of expanding the concept absent statutorily recognized rights. 57
The Rise and Fall of Economic Substantive Due Process:
Overview
Long before the passage of the 14th Amendment, the due process
clause of the Fifth Amendment was recognized as a restraint
upon the Federal Government, but only in the narrow sense that
a legislature needed to provide procedural ‘‘due process’’ for the en-
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AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED 1683
58 The conspicuous exception to this was the holding in the Dred Scott case that
former slaves, as non-citizens, could not claim the protections of the clause. Scott
v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 450 (1857).
59 See, e.g., Calder v. Bull, 3 U.S. (3 Dall.) 386, 388 (1798) (‘‘[a]n act of the legislature
(for I cannot call it a law) contrary to the first great principles of the social
compact, cannot be considered a rightful exercise of legislative authority’’).
60 In the years following the ratification of the 14th Amendment, the Court often
observed that the due process clause ‘‘operates to extend . . . the same protection
against arbitrary state legislation, affecting life, liberty and property, as is offered
by the Fifth Amendment,’’ Hibben v. Smith, 191 U.S. 310, 325 (1903), and that ‘‘ordinarily
if an act of Congress is valid under the Fifth Amendment it would be hard
to say that a state law in like terms was void under the Fourteenth,’’ Carroll v.
Greenwich Ins. Co., 199 U.S. 401, 410 (1905). See also French v. Barber Asphalt
Paving Co., 181 U.S. 324, 328 (1901). There is support for the notion, however, that
the proponents of the 14th Amendment envisioned a more expansive substantive interpretation
of that Amendment than had developed under the Fifth Amendment.
See AKHIL REED AMAR, THE BILL OF RIGHTS 181-197 (1998).
61 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36, 80–81 (1873).
62 See Privileges or Immunities Clause
63 94 U.S. 113, 134 (1877).
forcement of law. 58 Although individual justices suggested early on
that particular legislation could be so in conflict with precepts of
natural law as to render it wholly unconstitutional, 59 the potential
of the due process clause of the 14th Amendment as a substantive
restraint on state action appears to have been grossly underestimated
in the years immediately following its adoption. 60
Thus, early invocations of ‘‘substantive’’ due process were unsuccessful.
In the Slaughter-House Cases, 61 discussed previously in
the context of the Privileges or Immunities Clause, 62 a group of
butchers challenged a Louisiana statute conferring the exclusive
privilege of butchering cattle in New Orleans to one corporation. In
reviewing the validity of this monopoly, the Court noted that the
prohibition against a deprivation of property without due process
‘‘has been in the Constitution since the adoption of the Fifth
Amendment, as a restraint upon the Federal power. It is also to
be found in some forms of expression in the constitution of nearly
all the States, as a restraint upon the power of the States. . . . We
are not without judicial interpretation, therefore, both State and
National, of the meaning of this clause. And it is sufficient to say
that under no construction of that provision that we have ever
seen, or any that we deem admissible, can the restraint imposed
by the State of Louisiana upon the exercise of their trade by the
butchers of New Orleans be held to be a deprivation of property
within the meaning of that provision.’’
Four years later, in Munn v. Illinois, 63 the Court reviewed the
regulation of rates charged for the transportation and warehousing
of grain, and again refused to interpret the due process clause as
invalidating substantive state legislation. Rejecting contentions
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1684 AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED
64 96 U.S. 97, 103–04 (1878).
that such legislation effected an unconstitutional deprivation of
property by preventing the owner from earning a reasonable compensation
for its use and by transferring an interest in a private
enterprise to the public, Chief Justice Waite emphasized that ‘‘the
great office of statutes is to remedy defects in the common law as
they are developed. . . . We know that this power [of rate regulation]
may be abused; but that is no argument against its existence.
For protection against abuses by legislatures the people must resort
to the polls, not to the courts.’’
In Davidson v. New Orleans, 64 Justice Miller also counseled
against a departure from these conventional applications of due
process, although he acknowledged the difficulty of arriving at a
precise, all-inclusive definition of the clause. ‘‘It is not a little remarkable,’’
he observed, ‘‘that while this provision has been in the
Constitution of the United States, as a restraint upon the authority
of the Federal government, for nearly a century, and while, during
all that time, the manner in which the powers of that government
have been exercised has been watched with jealousy, and subjected
to the most rigid criticism in all its branches, this special limitation
upon its powers has rarely been invoked in the judicial forum or
the more enlarged theatre of public discussion. But while it has
been part of the Constitution, as a restraint upon the power of the
States, only a very few years, the docket of this court is crowded
with cases in which we are asked to hold that state courts and
state legislatures have deprived their own citizens of life, liberty,
or property without due process of law. There is here abundant evidence
that there exists some strange misconception of the scope of
this provision as found in the Fourteenth Amendment. In fact, it
would seem, from the character of many of the cases before us, and
the arguments made in them, that the clause under consideration
is looked upon as a means of bringing to the test of the decision
of this court the abstract opinions of every unsuccessful litigant in
a State court of the justice of the decision against him, and of the
merits of the legislation on which such a decision may be founded.
If, therefore, it were possible to define what it is for a State to deprive
a person of life, liberty, or property without due process of
law, in terms which would cover every exercise of power thus forbidden
to the State, and exclude those which are not, no more useful
construction could be furnished by this or any other court to
any part of the fundamental of law. But, apart from the imminent
risk of a failure to give any definition which would be at once perspicuous,
comprehensive, and satisfactory, there is wisdom . . . in
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AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED 1685
65 110 U.S. 516, 528, 532, 536 (1884).
the ascertaining of the intent and application of such an important
phrase in the Federal Constitution, by the gradual process of judicial
inclusion and exclusion, as the cases presented for decision
shall require . . . .’’
A bare half-dozen years later, however, in Hurtado v. California,
65 the Justices gave warning of an impending modification
of their views. Justice Mathews, speaking for the Court, noted that
due process under the United States Constitution differed from due
process in English common law in that the latter only applied to
executive and judicial acts, while the former additionally applied to
legislative acts. Consequently, the limits of the due process under
the 14th Amendment could not be appraised solely in terms of the
‘‘sanction of settled usage’’ under common law. The Court then declared
that ‘‘[a]rbitrary power, enforcing its edicts to the injury of
the persons and property of its subjects, is not law, whether manifested
as the decree of a personal monarch or of an impersonal
multitude. And the limitations imposed by our constitutional law
upon the action of the governments, both state and national, are
essential to the preservation of public and private rights, notwithstanding
the representative character of our political institutions.
The enforcement of these limitations by judicial process is the device
of self-governing communities to protect the rights of individuals
and minorities, as well against the power of numbers, as
against the violence of public agents transcending the limits of lawful
authority, even when acting in the name and wielding the force
of the government.’’ By this language, the States were put on notice
that all types of state legislation, whether dealing with procedural
or substantive rights, were now subject to the scrutiny of the Court
when questions of essential justice were raised.
What induced the Court to overcome its fears of increased judicial
oversight and of upsetting the balance of powers between the
Federal Government and the states was state remedial social legislation,
enacted in the wake of industrial expansion, and the impact
of such legislation on property rights. The added emphasis on the
due process clause also afforded the Court an opportunity to compensate
for its earlier nullification of much of the privileges or immunities
clause of the Amendment. Legal theories about the relationship
between the government powers and private rights were
available to demonstrate the impropriety of leaving to the state legislatures
the same ample range of police power they had enjoyed
prior to the Civil War. In the meantime, however, the Slaughter-
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1686 AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED
66 94 U.S. 113, 141–48 (1877).
67 ‘‘It is true that the legislation which secures to all protection in their rights,
and the equal use and enjoyment of their property, embraces an almost infinite variety
of subjects. Whatever affects the peace, good order, morals, and health of the
community, comes within its scope; and every one must use and enjoy his property
subject to the restrictions which such legislation imposes. What is termed the police
power of the State, which, from the language often used respecting it, one would
suppose to be an undefined and irresponsible element in government, can only interfere
with the conduct of individuals in their intercourse with each other, and in the
use of their property, so far as may be required to secure these objects. The compensation
which the owners of property, not having any special rights or privileges
from the government in connection with it, may demand for its use, or for their own
services in union with it, forms no element of consideration in prescribing regulations
for that purpose.’’ 94 U.S. at 145-46.
68 123 U.S. 623, 661 (1887).
69 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36, 113–14, 116, 122 (1873).
70 Loan Association v. Topeka, 87 U.S. (20 Wall.) 655, 662 (1875). ‘‘There are .
. . rights in every free government beyond the control of the State. . . . There are
limitations on [governmental power] which grow out of the essential nature of all
free governments. Implied reservations of individual rights, without which the social
compact could not exist . . . .’’
71 ‘‘Rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are equivalent to the
rights of life, liberty, and property. These are fundamental rights which can only
be taken away by due process of law, and which can only be interfered with, or the
enjoyment of which can only be modified, by lawful regulations necessary or proper
for the mutual good of all. . . . This right to choose one’s calling is an essential part
of that liberty which it is the object of government to protect; and a calling, when
House Cases and Munn v. Illinois had to be overruled at least in
part.
About twenty years were required to complete this process, in
the course of which two strands of reasoning were developed. The
first was a view advanced by Justice Field in a dissent in Munn
v. Illinois, 66 namely, that state police power is solely a power to
prevent injury to the ‘‘peace, good order, morals, and health of the
community.’’ 67 This reasoning was adopted by the Court in Mugler
v. Kansas, 68 where, despite upholding a state alcohol regulation,
the Court held that ‘‘[i]t does not at all follow that every statute
enacted ostensibly for the promotion of [public health, morals or
safety] is to be accepted as a legitimate exertion of the police powers
of the state.’’ The second strand, which had been espoused by
Justice Bradley in his dissent in the Slaughter-House Cases, 69 tentatively
transformed ideas embodying the social compact and natural
rights into constitutionally enforceable limitations upon government.
70 The consequence was that the States in exercising their
police powers could foster only those purposes of health, morals,
and safety which the Court had enumerated, and could employ only
such means as would not unreasonably interfere with fundamental
natural rights of liberty and property. As articulated by Justice
Bradley, these rights were equated with freedom to pursue a lawful
calling and to make contracts for that purpose. 71
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AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED 1687
chosen, is a man’s property right. . . . A law which prohibits a large class of citizens
from adopting a lawful employment, or from following a lawful employment previously
adopted, does deprive them of liberty as well as property, without due process
of law.’’ Slaughter-House Cases, 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36, 116, 122 (1873) (Justice
Bradley dissenting).
72 143 U.S. 517, 551 (1892).
73 See Fletcher v. Peck, 10 U.S. (6 Cr.) 87, 128 (1810).
74 94 U.S. 113, 123, 182 (1877).
75 123 U.S. 623 (1887).
76 123 U.S. at 662. ‘‘We cannot shut out of view the fact, within the knowledge
of all, that the public health, the public morals, and the public safety, may be endangered
by the general use of intoxicating drinks; nor the fact . . . that . . .
pauperism, and crime . . . are, in some degree, at least, traceable to this evil.’’
77 The following year the Court, confronted with an act restricting the sale of
oleomargarine, of which the Court could not claim a like measure of common knowledge,
briefly retreated to the doctrine of presumed validity, declaring that ‘‘it does
not appear upon the face of the statute, or from any of the facts of which the Court
must take judicial cognizance, that it infringes rights secured by the fundamental
law.’’ Powell v. Pennsylvania, 127 U.S. 678, 685 (1888).
Having narrowed the scope of the state’s police power in deference
to the natural rights of liberty and property, the Court proceeded
to incorporate into due process theories of laissez faire economics,
reinforced by the doctrine of Social Darwinism (as elaborated
by Herbert Spencer). Thus, ‘‘liberty’’ became synonymous
with governmental non-interference in the field of private economic
relations. For instance, in Budd v. New York, 72 Justice Brewer declared
in dictum: ‘‘[t]he paternal theory of government is to me odious.
The utmost possible liberty to the individual, and the fullest
possible protection to him and his property, is both the limitation
and duty of government.’’
Next, the Court watered down the accepted maxim that a state
statute must be presumed to be valid until clearly shown to be otherwise,
by shifting focus to whether facts existed to justify a particular
law. 73 The original position could be seen in earlier cases
such as Munn v. Illinois, 74 where the Court sustained legislation
before it by presuming that such facts existed: ‘‘For our purposes
we must assume that, if a state of facts could exist that would justify
such legislation, it actually did exist when the statute now
under consideration was passed.’’ Ten years later, however, in
Mugler v. Kansas, 75 rather than presume the relevant facts, the
Court sustained a statewide anti-liquor law based on the proposition
that the deleterious social effects of the excessive use of alcoholic
liquors were sufficiently notorious for the Court to be able to
take notice of them. 76 This opened the door for future Court appraisals
of the facts which had induced the legislature to enact the
statute. 77
The implications of Mugler were significant, as it carried the
inference that unless the Court found by judicial notice the exist-
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1688 AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED
78 291 U.S. 502 (1934).
79 348 U.S. 483 (1955).
80 348 U.S. at 488.
81 348 U.S. at 487, 491.
ence of justifying fact, it would invalidate a police power regulation
as bearing no reasonable or adequate relation to the purposes to
be subserved by the latter—namely, health, morals, or safety. Interestingly,
the Court found the rule of presumed validity quite
serviceable for appraising state legislation affecting neither liberty
nor property, but for legislation constituting governmental interference
in the field of economic relations, especially labor-management
relations, the Court found the principle of judicial notice more
advantageous. In litigation embracing the latter type of legislation,
the Court would also tend to shift the burden of proof, which had
been with litigants challenging legislation, to the State seeking enforcement.
Thus, the State had the task of demonstrating that a
statute interfering with a natural right of liberty or property was
in fact ‘‘authorized’’ by the Constitution, and not merely that the
latter did not expressly prohibit enactment of the same. As will be
discussed in detail below, this approach was utilized from the turn
of the century through the mid 1930s to strike down numerous
laws which were seen as restricting economic liberties.
As a result of the Depression, however, the laissez faire approach
to economic regulation lost favor to the dictates of the New
Deal. Thus, in 1934, the Court in Nebbia v. New York 78 discarded
this approach to economic legislation. The modern approach is exemplified
by the 1955 decision, Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 79
which upheld a statutory scheme regulating the sale of eyeglasses
which favored ophthalmologists and optometrists in private professional
practice and disadvantaged opticians and those employed by
or using space in business establishments. ‘‘The day is gone when
this Court uses the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
to strike down state laws, regulatory of business and industrial
conditions, because they may be unwise, improvident, or out
of harmony with a particular school of thought. . . . We emphasize
again what Chief Justice Waite said in Munn v. Illinois, 94 U.S.
113, 134, ‘For protection against abuses by legislatures the people
must resort to the polls, not to the courts.’’’ 80 The Court did go on
to assess the reasons which might have justified the legislature in
prescribing the regulation at issue, leaving open the possibility that
some regulation might be found unreasonable. 81 More recent decisions
have limited this inquiry to whether the legislation is arbi-
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AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED 1689
82 The Court has pronounced a strict ‘‘hands-off’’ standard of judicial review,
whether of congressional or state legislative efforts to structure and accommodate
the burdens and benefits of economic life. Such legislation is to be ‘‘accorded the traditional
presumption of constitutionality generally accorded economic regulations’’
and is to be ‘‘upheld absent proof of arbitrariness or irrationality on the part of Congress.’’
That the accommodation among interests which the legislative branch has
struck ‘‘may have profound and far-reaching consequences . . . provides all the more
reason for this Court to defer to the congressional judgment unless it is demonstrably
arbitrary or irrational.’’ Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study
Group, 438 U.S. 59, 83–84 (1978). See also Usery v. Turner Elkhorn Mining Co.,
428 U.S. 1, 14–20 (1976); Hodel v. Indiana, 452 U.S. 314, 333 (1981); New Motor
Vehicle Bd. v. Orrin W. Fox Co., 439 U.S. 96, 106–08 (1978); Exxon Corp. v. Governor
of Maryland, 437 U.S. 117, 124–25 (1978); Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen
and Engineers v. Chicago, R.I. & P. R.R., 393 U.S. 129, 143 (1968); Ferguson v.
Skrupa, 372 U.S. 726, 730, 733 (1963).
83 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36 (1873).
84 165 U.S. 578 (1897). Freedom of contract was also alluded to as a property
right, as is evident in the language of the Court in Coppage v. Kansas, 236 U.S.
1, 14 (1915). ‘‘Included in the right of personal liberty and the right of private property—
partaking of the nature of each—is the right to make contracts for the acquisition
of property. Chief among such contracts is that of personal employment, by
which labor and other services are exchanged for money or other forms of property.
If this right bestruck down or arbitrarily interfered with, there is a substantial impairment
of liberty in the long-established constitutional sense.’’
85 165 U.S. at 589.
trary or irrational, and have abandoned any requirement of ‘‘reasonableness.’’
82
Regulation of Labor Conditions
Liberty of Contract.—One of the most important concepts
utilized during the ascendancy of economic due process was liberty
of contract. The original idea of economic liberties was advanced by
Justices Bradley and Field in the Slaughter-House Cases, 83 and
elevated to the status of accepted doctrine in Allgeyer v. Louisiana.
84 It was then used repeatedly during the early part of this
century to strike down state and federal labor regulations. ‘‘The liberty
mentioned in that [Fourteenth] Amendment means not only
the right of the citizen to be free from the mere physical restraint
of his person, as by incarceration, but the term is deemed to embrace
the right of the citizen to be free in the enjoyment of all his
faculties, to be free to use them in all lawful ways; to live and work
where he will; to earn his livelihood by any lawful calling; to pursue
any livelihood or avocation, and for that purpose to enter into
all contracts which may be proper, necessary and essential to his
carrying out to a successful conclusion the purposes above mentioned.’’
85
The Court, however, did sustain some labor regulations by acknowledging
that freedom of contract was ‘‘a qualified and not an
absolute right. . . . Liberty implies the absence of arbitrary restraint,
not immunity from reasonable regulations and prohibitions
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1690 AMENDMENT 14—RIGHTS GUARANTEED
86 Chicago, B. & Q. R.R. v. McGuire, 219 U.S. 549, 567, 570 (1911). See also
Wolff Packing Co. v. Industrial Court, 262 U.S. 522, 534 (1923).
87 169 U.S. 366 (1898).
88 198 U.S. 45 (1905).
89 169 U.S. 366, 398 (1898).
90 198 U.S. 45 (1905).
imposed in the interest of the community. . . . In dealing with the
relation of the employer and employed, the legislature has necessarily
a wide field of discretion in order that there may be suitable
protection of health and safety, and that peace and good order
may be promoted through regulations designed to insure wholesome
conditions of work and freedom from oppression.’’ 86
Still, the Court was committed to the principle that freedom of
contract is the general rule and that legislative authority to
abridge it could be justified only by exceptional circumstances. To
serve this end, the Court intermittently employed the rule of judicial
notice in a manner best exemplified by a comparison of the
early cases of Holden v. Hardy 87 and Lochner v. New York. 88 In
Holden v. Hardy, 89 the Court, in reliance upon the principle of presumed
validity, allowed the burden of proof to remain with those
attacking a Utah act limiting the period of labor in mines to eight
hours per day. Taking cognizance of the fact that labor below the
surface of the earth was attended by risk to person and to health
and for these reasons had long been the subject of state intervention,
the Court registered its willingness to sustain a law which the
state legislature had adjudged ‘‘necessary for the preservation of
health of employees,’’ and for which there were ‘‘reasonable
grounds for believing that . . . [it was] supported by the facts.’’
Seven years later, however, a radically altered Court was predisposed
in favor of the doctrine of judicial notice. In Lochner v.
New York, 90 the Court found that a law restricting employment in
bakeries to ten hours per day and 60 hours per week was not a
true health measure, but was merely a labor regulation, and thus
was an unconstitutional interference with the right of adult laborers,
sui juris, to contract for their means of livelihood. Denying that
the Court was substituting its own judgment for that of the legislature,
Justice Peckham nevertheless maintained that whether the
act was within the police power of the State was a ‘‘question that
must be answered by the Court.’’ Then, in disregard of the medical
evidence proffered, the Justice stated: ‘‘[i]n looking through statistics
regarding all trades and occupations, it may be true that the
trade of a baker does not appear to be as healthy as some trades,
and is also vastly more healthy than still others. To the common
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