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thought restraint would be proper if disclosure ‘‘will
surely result in direct, immediate, and irreparable damage to our Nation or its people,’’
id. at 730, while Justice White did not endorse any specific phrasing of a standard.
Id. at 730–33. Justice Brennan would preclude even interim restraint except
upon ‘‘governmental allegation and proof that publication must inevitably, directly,
and immediately cause the occurrence of an event kindred to imperiling the safety
of a transport already at sea.’’ Id. at 712–13.
The same issues were raised in United States v. Progressive, Inc., 467 F. Supp.
990 (W.D. Wis. 1979), in which the United States obtained an injunction prohibiting
publication of an article it claimed would reveal information about nuclear weapons,
thus increasing the dangers of nuclear proliferation. The injunction was lifted when
the same information was published elsewhere and thus no appellate review was
had of the order.
With respect to the right of the Central Intelligence Agency to prepublication
review of the writings of former agents and its enforcement through contractual relationships,
see Snepp v. United States, 444 U.S. 507 (1980); Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.
v. Colby, 509 F.2d 1362 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 421 U.S. 992 (1975); United States
v. Marchetti, 446 F.2d 1309 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 409 U.S. 1063 (1972).
381 Nebraska Press Ass’n v. Stuart, 427 U.S. 539 (1976).
382 427 U.S. at 562, quoting Dennis v. United States, 183 F.2d 201, 212 (2d Cir.
1950), aff’d., 341 U.S. 494, 510 (1951).
national security area occurred when the Government attempted to
enjoin press publication of classified documents pertaining to the
Vietnam War 379 and, although the Court rejected the effort, at
least five and perhaps six Justices concurred on principle that in
some circumstances prior restraint of publication would be constitutional.
380 But no cohesive doctrine relating to the subject, its
applications, and its exceptions has yet emerged.
Injunctions and the Press in Fair Trial Cases.—Confronting
a claimed conflict between free press and fair trial guarantees,
the Court unanimously set aside a state court injunction barring
the publication of information that might prejudice the subsequent
trial of a criminal defendant. 381 Though agreed on result, the
Justices were divided with respect to whether ‘‘gag orders’’ were
ever permissible and if so what the standards for imposing them
were. The opinion of the Court used the Learned Hand formulation
of the ‘‘clear and present danger’’ test 382 and considered as factors
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AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC. 1089
383 Nebraska Press Ass’n v. Stuart, 427 U.S. 539, 562 (1976) (opinion of Chief
Justice Burger, concurred in by Justices Blackmun and Rehnquist, and, also writing
brief concurrences, Justices White and Powell). Applying the tests, the Chief Justice
agreed that (a) there was intense and pervasive pretrial publicity and more could
be expected, but that (b) the lower courts had made little effort to assess the prospects
of other methods of preventing or mitigating the effects of such publicity and
that (c) in any event the restraining order was unlikely to have the desired effect
of protecting the defendant’s rights. Id. at 562–67.
384 The Court differentiated between two kinds of information, however: (1) reporting
on judicial proceedings held in public, which has ‘‘special’’ protection and requires
a much higher justification than (2) reporting of information gained from
other sources as to which the burden of justifying restraint is still high. 427 U.S.
at 567-68, 570. See also Oklahoma Pub. Co. v. District Court, 430 U.S. 308 (1977)
(setting aside injunction restraining news media from publishing name of juvenile
involved in pending proceeding when name has been learned at open detention
hearing that could have been closed but was not); Smith v. Daily Mail Pub. Co., 433
U.S. 97 (1979).
385 427 U.S. at 572, 588. Justices Stewart and Marshall joined this opinion and
Justice Stevens noted his general agreement except that he reserved decision in particularly
egregious situations, even though stating that he might well agree with
Justice Brennan there also. Id. at 617. Justice White, while joining the opinion of
the Court, noted that he had grave doubts that ‘‘gag orders’’ could ever be justified
but he would refrain from so declaring in the Court’s first case on the issue. Id. at
570.
386 427 U.S. at 588-95.
in any decision on the imposition of a restraint upon press reporters
(a) the nature and extent of pretrial news coverage, (b) whether
other measures were likely to mitigate the harm, and (c) how effectively
a restraining order would operate to prevent the threatened
danger. 383 One seeking a restraining order would have a heavy
burden to meet to justify such an action, a burden that could be
satisfied only on a showing that with a prior restraint a fair trial
would be denied, but the Chief Justice refused to rule out the possibility
of showing the kind of threat that would possess the degree
of certainty to justify restraints. 384 Justice Brennan’s major concurring
opinion flatly took the position that such restraining orders
were never permissible. Commentary and reporting on the criminal
justice system is at the core of First Amendment values, he would
hold, and secrecy can do so much harm ‘‘that there can be no prohibition
on the publication by the press of any information pertaining
to pending judicial proceedings or the operation of the criminal justice
system, no matter how shabby the means by which the information
is obtained.’’ 385 The extremely narrow exceptions under
which prior restraints might be permissible relate to probable national
harm resulting from publication, the Justice continued; because
the trial court could adequately protect a defendant’s right
to a fair trial through other means even if there were conflict of
constitutional rights the possibility of damage to the fair trail right
would be so speculative that the burden of justification could not
be met. 386 While the result does not foreclose the possibility of fu-
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1090 AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC.
387 One such alternative is the banning of communication with the press on trial
issues by prosecution and defense attorneys, police officials, and court officers. This,
of course, also raises First Amendment issues. See, e.g., Chicago Council of Lawyers
v. Bauer, 522 F. 2d 242 (7th Cir. 1975), cert. denied, 427 U.S. 912 (1976).
388 467 U.S. 20 (1984).
389 467 U.S. at 36. The decision was unanimous, all other Justices joining Justice
Powell’s opinion for the Court, but Justices Brennan and Marshall noting additionally
that under the facts of the case important interests in privacy and religious
freedom were being protected. Id. at 37, 38.
390 See discussion of ‘‘Obscenity,’’ infra.
391 354 U.S. 436 (1957). See also Bantam Books v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58 (1963).
392 365 U.S. 43 (1961). See also Young v. American Mini Theatres, 427 U.S. 50
(1976) (zoning ordinance prescribing distances adult theaters may be located from
residential areas and other theaters is not an impermissible prior restraint).
393 Cf. Kingsley Books v. Brown, 354 U.S. 436 (1957).
394 Freedman v. Maryland, 380 U.S. 51 (1965); Teitel Film Corp. v. Cusack, 390
U.S. 139 (1968); Interstate Circuit v. City of Dallas, 390 U.S. 676 (1968); Blount v.
Rizzi, 400 U.S. 410 (1971); United States v. Thirty-seven Photographs, 402 U.S. 363,
367–375 (1971); Southeastern Promotions v. Conrad, 420 U.S. 546 (1975); Erznoznik
v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205 (1975); FW/PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas, 493 U.S.
215 (1990) (ordinance requiring licensing of ‘‘sexually oriented business’’ places no
time limit on approval by inspection agencies and fails to provide an avenue for
ture ‘‘gag orders,’’ it does lessen the number to be expected and
shifts the focus to other alternatives for protecting trial rights. 387
On a different level, however, are orders restraining the press as
a party to litigation in the dissemination of information obtained
through pretrial discovery. In Seattle Times Co. v. Rhinehart, 388
the Court determined that such orders protecting parties from
abuses of discovery require ‘‘no heightened First Amendment scrutiny.’’
389
Obscenity and Prior Restraint.—Only in the obscenity area
has there emerged a substantial consideration of the doctrine of
prior restraint, and the doctrine’s use there may be based upon the
proposition that obscenity is not a protected form of expression. 390
In Kingsley Books v. Brown, 391 the Court upheld a state statute
that, while it embodied some features of prior restraint, was seen
as having little more restraining effect than an ordinary criminal
statute; that is, the law’s penalties applied only after publication.
But in Times Film Corp. v. City of Chicago, 392 a divided Court specifically
affirmed that, at least in the case of motion pictures, the
First Amendment did not proscribe a licensing system under which
a board of censors could refuse to license for public exhibition films
that it found obscene. Books and periodicals may also be subjected
to some forms of prior restraint, 393 but the thrust of the Court’s
opinions in this area with regard to all forms of communication has
been to establish strict standards of procedural protections to ensure
that the censoring agency bears the burden of proof on obscenity,
that only a judicial order can restrain exhibition, and that a
prompt final judicial decision is assured. 394
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AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC. 1091
prompt judicial review); Fort Wayne Books, Inc. v. Indiana, 489 U.S. 46 (1989) (seizure
of books and films based on ex parte probable cause hearing under state RICO
law’s forfeiture procedures constitutes invalid prior restraint; instead, there must be
a determination in an adversarial proceeding that the materials are obscene or that
a RICO violation has occurred). But cf. Alexander v. United States, 509 U.S. 544
(1993) (RICO forfeiture of the entire adult entertainment book and film business of
an individual convicted of obscenity and racketeering offenses, based on the predicate
acts of selling four magazines and three videotapes, does not constitute a prior
restraint and is not invalid as ‘‘chilling’’ protected expression that is not obscene).
395 2 T. COOLEY, A TREATISE ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS WHICH REST
UPON THE LEGISLATIVE POWERS OF THE STATES OF THE AMERICAN UNION 885–86
(8th ed. 1927).
Subsequent Punishment: Clear and Present Danger and
Other Tests
Granted that the context of the controversy over freedom of expression
at the time of the ratification of the First Amendment was
almost exclusively limited to the problem of prior restraint, still the
words speak of laws ‘‘abridging’’ freedom of speech and press, and
the modern cases have been largely fought over subsequent punishment.
‘‘The mere exemption from previous restraints cannot be all
that is secured by the constitutional provisions, inasmuch as of
words to be uttered orally there can be no previous censorship, and
the liberty of the press might be rendered a mockery and a delusion,
and the phrase itself a byword, if, while every man was at liberty
to publish what he pleased, the public authorities might nevertheless
punish him for harmless publications . . . .’’
‘‘[The purpose of the speech-press clauses] has evidently been
to protect parties in the free publication of matters of public concern,
to secure their right to a free discussion of public events and
public measures, and to enable every citizen at any time to bring
the government and any person in authority to the bar of public
opinion by any just criticism upon their conduct in the exercise of
the authority which the people have conferred upon them. . . . The
evils to be prevented were not the censorship of the press merely,
but any action of the government by means of which it might prevent
such free and general discussion of public matters as seems
absolutely essential to prepare the people for an intelligent exercise
of their rights as citizens.’’ 395 A rule of law permitting criminal or
civil liability to be imposed upon those who speak or write on public
issues would lead to ‘‘self-censorship’’ by all which would not be
relieved by permitting a defense of truth. ‘‘Under such a rule,
would-be critics of official conduct may be deterred from voicing
their criticism, even though it is believed to be true and even
though it is in fact true, because of doubt whether it can be proved
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1092 AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC.
396 New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 279 (1964). See also Speiser
v. Randall, 357 U.S. 513, 526 (1958); Smith v. California, 361 U.S. 147, 153–154
(1959); Time, Inc. v. Hill, 385 U.S. 374, 389 (1967).
397 Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 630 (1919) (Justice Holmes dissenting).
in court or fear of the expense of having to do so . . . . The rule thus
dampens the vigor and limits the variety of public debate.’’ 396
‘‘Persecution for the expression of opinions seems to me perfectly
logical. If you have no doubt of your premises or your power
and want a certain result with all your heart you naturally express
your wishes in law and sweep away all opposition. To allow opposition
by speech seems to indicate that you think the speech impotent,
as when a man says that he has squared the circle, or that
you do not care whole-heartedly for the result, or that you doubt
either your power or your premises. But when men have realized
that time has upset many fighting faiths, they may come to believe
even more than they believe the very foundations of their own conduct
that the ultimate good desired is better reached by free trade
in ideas—that the best test of truth is the power of the thought to
get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that truth
is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried
out. That at any rate is the theory of our Constitution.’’ 397 ‘‘Those
who won our independence believed that the final end of the State
was to make men free to develop their faculties; and that in its
government the deliberative forces should prevail over the arbitrary.
They valued liberty both as an end and as a means. They
believed liberty to be the secret of happiness and courage to be the
secret of liberty. They believed that freedom to think as you will
and to speak as you think are means indispensable to the discovery
and spread of political truth; that without free speech and assembly
discussion would be futile; that with them, discussion affords
ordinarily adequate protection against the dissemination of noxious
doctrine; that the greatest menace to freedom is an inert people;
that public discussion is a political duty; and that this should be
a fundamental principle of the American government. They recognized
the risks to which all human institutions are subject. But
they knew that order cannot be secured merely through fear of
punishment for its infraction; that it is hazardous to discourage
thought, hope and imagination; that fear breeds repression; that
repression breeds hate; that hate menaces stable government; that
the path of safety lies in the opportunity to discuss freely supposed
grievances and proposed remedies; and that the fitting remedy for
evil counsels is good ones. Believing in the power of reason as applied
through public discussion, they eschewed silence coerced by
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AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC. 1093
398 Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 375–76 (1927) (Justice Brandeis concurring).
399 274 U.S. at 373.
400 274 U.S. at 374.
401 Davis v. Beason, 133 U.S. 333 (1890); Fox v. Washington, 236 U.S. 273
(1915).
402 249 U.S. 47 (1919).
law—the argument of force in its worst form. Recognizing the occasional
tyrannies of governing majorities, they amended the Constitution
so that free speech and assembly should be guaranteed.’’
398
‘‘But, although the rights of free speech and assembly are fundamental,
they are not in their nature absolute. Their exercise is
subject to restriction, if the particular restriction proposed is required
in order to protect the State from destruction or from serious
injury, political, economic or moral.’’ 399 The fixing of a standard
is necessary, by which it can be determined what degree of evil
is sufficiently substantial to justify resort to abridgment of speech
and press and assembly as a means of protection and how clear
and imminent and likely the danger is. 400 That standard has fluctuated
over a period of some fifty years now and it cannot be asserted
with a great degree of confidence that the Court has yet settled
on any firm standard or any set of standards for differing
forms of expression. The cases are instructive of the difficulty.
Clear and Present Danger.—Certain expression, oral or
written, may incite, urge, counsel, advocate, or importune the commission
of criminal conduct; other expression, such as picketing,
demonstrating, and engaging in certain forms of ‘‘symbolic’’ action,
may either counsel the commission of criminal conduct or itself
constitute criminal conduct. Leaving aside for the moment the
problem of ‘‘speech-plus’’ communication, it becomes necessary to
determine when expression that may be a nexus to criminal conduct
is subject to punishment and restraint. At first, the Court
seemed disposed in the few cases reaching it to rule that if the conduct
could be made criminal, the advocacy of or promotion of the
conduct could be made criminal. 401 Then, in Schenck v. United
States, 402 in which defendants had been convicted of seeking to disrupt
recruitment of military personnel by dissemination of certain
leaflets, Justice Holmes formulated the ‘‘clear and present danger’’
test which has ever since been the starting point of argument. ‘‘The
question in every case is whether the words used are used in such
circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and
present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that
Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and
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1094 AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC.
403 249 U.S. at 52.
404 Frohwerk v. United States, 249 U.S. 204, 206 (1919) (citations omitted).
405 249 U.S. 211, 215–16 (1919).
406 250 U.S. 616 (1919).
407 Schaefer v. United States, 251 U.S. 466, 479 (1920). See also Pierce v. United
States, 252 U.S. 239 (1920).
408 268 U.S. 652 (1925)
degree.’’ 403 The convictions were unanimously affirmed. One week
later, the Court again unanimously affirmed convictions under the
same Act with Justice Holmes speaking. ‘‘[W]e think it necessary
to add to what has been said in Schenck v. United States . . . only
that the First Amendment while prohibiting legislation against free
speech as such cannot have been, and obviously was not, intended
to give immunity for every possible use of language. We venture to
believe that neither Hamilton nor Madison, nor any other competent
person then or later, ever supposed that to make criminal
the counseling of a murder within the jurisdiction of Congress
would be an unconstitutional interference with free speech.’’ 404 And
in Debs v. United States, 405 Justice Holmes was found referring to
‘‘the natural and intended effect’’ and ‘‘probable effect’’ of the condemned
speech in common-law tones.
But in Abrams v. United States, 406 Justices Holmes and Brandeis
dissented upon affirmance of the convictions of several alien
anarchists who had printed leaflets seeking to encourage discontent
with United States participation in the War. The majority simply
referred to Schenck and Frohwerk to rebut the First Amendment
argument, but the dissenters urged that the Government had made
no showing of a clear and present danger. Another affirmance by
the Court of a conviction, the majority simply saying that ‘‘[t]he
tendency of the articles and their efficacy were enough for the offense,’’
drew a similar dissent. 407 Moreover, in Gitlow v. New
York, 408 a conviction for distributing a manifesto in violation of a
law making it criminal to advocate, advise, or teach the duty, necessity,
or propriety of overthrowing organized government by force
or violence, the Court affirmed in the absence of any evidence regarding
the effect of the distribution and in the absence of any contention
that it created any immediate threat to the security of the
State. In so doing, the Court discarded Holmes’ test. ‘‘It is clear
that the question in such cases [as this] is entirely different from
that involved in those cases where the statute merely prohibits certain
acts involving the danger of substantive evil, without any reference
to language itself, and it is sought to apply its provisions to
language used by the defendant for the purpose of bringing about
the prohibited results. . . . In such cases it has been held that the
general provisions of the statute may be constitutionally applied to
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AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC. 1095
409 268 U.S. at 670-71.
410 268 U.S. at 668. Justice Holmes dissented. ‘‘If what I think the correct test
is applied, it is manifest that there was no present danger of an attempt to overthrow
the government by force on the part of the admittedly small minority who
share the defendant’s views. It is said that this Manifesto was more than a theory,
that it was an incitement. Every idea is an incitement. It offers itself for belief, and,
if believed, is acted on unless some other belief outweighs it, or some failure of energy
stifles the movement at its birth. The only difference between the expression
of an opinion and an incitement in the narrower sense is the speaker’s enthusiasm
for the result. Eloquence may set fire to reason. But whatever may be thought of
the redundant discourse before us, it had no chance of starting a present conflagration.
If, in the long run, the beliefs expressed in proletarian dictatorship are destined
to be accepted by the dominant forces of the community, the only meaning of
free speech is that they would be given their chance and have their way.’’ Id. at
673.
411 274 U.S. 357, 371–72 (1927).
412 274 U.S. at 376.
the specific utterance of the defendant if its natural tendency and
probable effect was to bring about the substantive evil which the
legislative body might prevent. . . . [T]he general statement in the
Schenck Case . . . was manifestly intended . . . to apply only in cases
of this class, and has no application to those like the present,
where the legislative body itself has previously determined the
danger of substantive evil arising from utterances of a specified
character.’’ 409 Thus, a state legislative determination ‘‘that utterances
advocating the overthrow of organized government by force,
violence, and unlawful means, are so inimical to the general welfare,
and involve such danger of substantive evil that they may be
penalized in the exercise of its police power’’ was almost conclusive
on the Court. 410 It is not clear what test, if any, the majority would
have used, although the ‘‘bad tendency’’ test has usually been associated
with the case. In Whitney v. California, 411 the Court affirmed
a conviction under a criminal syndicalism statute based on
defendant’s association with and membership in an organization
that advocated the commission of illegal acts, finding again that
the determination of a legislature that such advocacy involves
‘‘such danger to the public peace and the security of the State’’ was
entitled to almost conclusive weight. In a technical concurrence
which was in fact a dissent from the opinion of the Court, Justice
Brandeis restated the ‘‘clear and present danger’’ test. ‘‘[E]ven advocacy
of violation [of the law] . . . is not a justification for denying
free speech where the advocacy fails short of incitement and there
is nothing to indicate that the advocacy would be immediately
acted on . . . . In order to support a finding of clear and present danger
it must be shown either that immediate serious violence was
to be expected or was advocated, or that the past conduct furnished
reason to believe that such advocacy was then contemplated.’’ 412
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1096 AMENDMENT 1—RELIGION, FREE SPEECH, ETC.
413 274 U.S. 380 (1927).
414 Stromberg v. California, 283 U.S. 359 (1931).
415 299 U.S. 353 (1937). See id. at 364–65.
416 301 U.S. 242, 258 (1937). At another point, clear and present danger was alluded
to without any definite indication it was the standard. Id. at 261.
417 310 U.S. 88, 105 (1940). The Court admitted that the picketing did result in
economic injury to the employer, but found such injury ‘‘neither so serious nor so
imminent’’ as to justify restriction. The doctrine of clear and present danger was not
to play a future role in the labor picketing cases.
418 Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 308 (1940).
419 337 U.S. 1 (1949).
The Adoption of Clear and Present Danger.—The Court
did not invariably affirm convictions during this period in cases
like those under consideration. In Fiske v. Kansas, 413 it held that
a criminal syndicalism law had been invalidly applied to convict
one against whom the only evidence was the ‘‘class struggle’’ language
of the constitution of the orga
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